In his twice weekly columns in the Bangkok Post, Voranai Vanijaka often goes where other political commentators don’t dare to venture, analyzing some of the nation’s most touchy subjects. Who is this brave – some would say reckless – journalist, and how does he regard the main movers behind Thailand’s political scene? The BigChilli finds out in this exclusive interview
By Colin Hastings
By Colin Hastings
| THAI politics are a difficult place to be, as impenetrable and hazardous as a bamboo jungle, as dark and murky as a Bangkok klong, and stubbornly divided by two sets of politicians whose ideological differences might ultimately prove to be nothing more than a preference for a certain shirt colour. That’s why we need people like Bangkok Post columnist Voranai Vanijaka – an independent voice to cut through the secrecy, the spin, the b-s, and the general opaqueness of the country’s political scene. Then explain it all to the rest of us. Since losing their traditional role as our primary source of news to the TV and more recently to the Internet, newspapers have sought ways to win back readers. Some have morphed into lifestyle magazines, while others have gone for sex and sensationalism. The more rationale ones have opted for greater analysis of the news, a behind-the-scenes look at what those in charge of the country’s fortunes are really up to. |
Voranai’s columns on a Sunday and his online contributions on Thursday fit nicely into this latter category. Cleverly written in a style he admits is deliberately cryptic at times in order for the column to be publishable, he focuses mainly on the current political situation but also touches on subjects once considered taboo. They’ve certainly hit a nerve with readers, judging by the number of responses he receives, as well as the debates he invariably ignites amongst expatriates with a depth of interest in domestic politics that would surprise some Thais. What many of us may think, Voranai actually expresses in words.
He’s pushed the boundaries a couple of times, but so far any complaints about his opinions have been dealt with by his bosses at the Post. That’s a reasonable trade-off, one suspects, for the Post has rarely had such a popular columnist since Bernard Trink wrote about Bangkok’s red light districts in the early ’70s. And the newspaper will do its best to protect their latest star.
He flies his colours brightly. Patently not a fan of Thaksin Shinwatra, he nevertheless gives credits to the former PM’s sister and current incumbent Yingluk; he’s dismissive of the political leaders Thailand has had in recent years and even ‘speculates’ that some kind of deal could be in the offing between the country’s warring parties. Other ground covered ranges from the 2010 Bangkok stand-off and the patronage system to the importance of image, as well as sex, drugs and wildlife. He’s also been sufficiently moved – some would say reckless – to tackle the extraordinarily tricky subject of lese majeste, as we will see later.
Voranai has many of the credentials needed for a newspaper political commentator. A graduate in government and history from the University of Texas in Austin, this Bangkok-born writer toyed on his return to Thailand aged 23 with the idea of joining either the Foreign Ministry or the Police Academy – his father is a former Police Major General and for many years Chairman of the Royal Bangkok Sports Club – but rejected both in favour of teaching ‘world civilisation’ at Assumption University (ABAC).
After a year there, he won a scholarship to study international business at South Bank University in London, a sabbatical of sorts that also gave him an opportunity to travel and “to see the world.”
Back again in Thailand, he launched his career in journalism as business reporter at the Bangkok Post from 2000-2001. He went on to edit BK magazine for four years, followed by a further four years running its rival publication, Guru, before taking on his present dual role of newspaper columnist and part-time lecturer in journalism and mass communication at Thammasat University.
Now aged 39 and deeply immersed in Thailand’s political scene, Voranai claims to have no political affiliations, despite his upper middle class and presumably ‘establishment’ background, insisting that a commentator like him should be impartial.
“My instinct is to absorb, study, analyze and interpret Thai politics for both Thai and farang readers. I don’t take sides; I have to be objective, unbiased. That’s how I see my role. But of course, no one is completely objective, we are human after all. But I try my best.”
It wasn’t always like that, though. In his younger days, he admits he was “left-liberal, like most of my peers. But as you grow older and understand historical evolution and cultural psyche, you change. So today, if anything, I’m in the centre.”
Having no declared political drum to beat has probably made it easier and more acceptable for Voranai to tackle some of the country’s most difficult and controversial topics, even those ‘don’t-go-there’ lese majeste laws protecting the Monarchy. “It’s alright to openly discuss these laws provided it’s done in a constructive way,” he believes. “Let’s face it, the laws are regularly talked about in the social media anyway. At the end of the day, and whatever you do, you can’t shut people up.”
He advocates reforming the lese majeste laws, as well as other draconian laws such as those that forbid criticism of a court decision. “These (court laws) date back to the Cold War era when they served a useful purpose. But we’ve outgrown that period.”
The Post doesn’t interfere in what Voranai writes. That’s entirely his choice. Recent topics have included several that would make most editors and publishers wet on the brow, such as some pretty edgy comments about the sons of Deputy Prime Minister Chalerm Yumbumrang, one of the country’s most powerful politicians – and not someone most of us would choose to confront.
“There are certain ways to discuss things; writing between the lines is one.”
Has he ever faced threats from disgruntled politicians?
”No, at least none have ever come down to me. My managers at the Bangkok Post handle that side of things very professionally,” explains Voranai, who does concede that complaints had been received from both sides of the political divide.
He adds poignantly: “My parents are proud of me, but are fearful and tell me to be careful.”
Why are Thai people so reluctant to voice their opinions? “It’s the culture of self-censorship here. Thais are polite and respectful and don’t speak out. We’re shy to challenge people and traditions. The development of ideologies, which demand people stand up for their rights, is new to Thailand.
“But the country is changing. You can see that in the red and yellow shirts phenomenon. Even that lady showing her boobs on the Thailand’s Got Talent TV programme is an example of changing attitudes, though not a very good one. We still have a long way to go, however.”
The political change many clamor for is far more complex. “There’s a choice of two ways – a quick change, a purge, a ‘night of the long knives,’ a force of arms. But that’s unacceptable. Or there’s a boring, long-term, evolutionary change through dialogue and education.”
Although he’s never met Yingluk, she’s predictably fair game for his columns. How’s she faring as PM? “It depends on how you define her job. Yingluk’s doing a good job keeping the fragile peace, and being an ambassador for Thaksin’s camp, and to end the political divide in favor of her brother, without him getting a jail term. No one else can do that.
“As for actually managing the country, that’s a
different issue.”
“She has a certain charm, magic. Who else can be with General Prem Tinsulanonda and Army Chief General Prayuth Chan-ocha and get them to be friendly and smiling? Neither Thaksin nor Chalerm could do that. But Yingluck can.”
His columns have often referred to the shortage of good leaders in Thailand. At the risk of making his readers “foam at the mouth,” he suggests the only premier the country has had that came close to embodying true leadership was Thaksin.
“Today we need a visionary leader,” he declares. “Someone who can inspire the whole nation.”
Is there such a person in Thailand waiting in the wings? “Not that I know of,” he replies, shaking his head.
So, would he like to see Thaksin return to run the country? “No,” he states most emphatically, saying Thaksin has become too divisive of a figure to be good for Thailand.
“Thaksin is the most capable leader, but is it for a good or bad cause? He’s a leader but not a true leader. If we go by popular votes, 15 million Thais love him, 12 million hate him. He might be a good leader but ultimately he’s failed because 12 million don’t want him back. It ends right there. It’s the same with Abhisit. 15 million people don’t want to see him back.
“In my humble opinion, Thaksin should simply relax and enjoy life – and stay away from politics.”
Is there anything else he’d like to tell Thaksin? “Yes. I’d like to say ‘You could have played it better.’”
So, in the absence of a worthy leader, who’s actually running this country? “It’s run on different layers,” he responds. “The big picture is Yingluck, however much she’s taking her policies from Dubai. Then there’s the military, the old establishment, and the judges. The Democrats with 12 million supporters also have a lot of influence. On a day to day basis, it’s as always the bureaucrats, big business, MPs, local strongmen, police, and village leaders. It’s feudalistic in nature.”
The gap between rich and poor in Thailand is constantly mentioned by foreign observers and critics. How does Voranai view the situation? “Yes, it’s true that income distribution here is unequal, but isn’t it also true that in the US 1% of the population have something like 95% of that country’s wealth?
“Yes, it’s unacceptable that the lowest classes in Thailand are impoverished but I’d argue they live better than, say, their equivalents in places like Vietnam. Thais live as a family unit and pool their resources. Even at the lowest levels, people are happy, eat well, own mobiles and watch cable TV.”
“Still, having said that, things can and should be improved. Don’t let the ‘mai pen rai’ attitude stop evolution.”
No other single country has a system that Thailand should strive to emulate, he says. “I like western-style democracy, but it won’t work in Thailand. Our traditional cultural values are too strong. We have to mix and match strategically.”
As for corruption in Thailand, Voranai goes along with the current belief that it is getting worse, but has an interesting explanation. “It’s due to the lack of political stability. Over the past six years, MPs have come and gone. They’ve invested a lot to get into power, but there’s no certainty they’ll be there long. It’s all about a return on investment.
He adds: “We can never get rid of corruption completely, only minimize it.”
Predictably, perhaps, Voranai is skeptical of the government’s proposal to borrow two trillion baht to be spent on a raft of mega-infrastructure projects. “It will require 50 years to pay it back,” he says. “And there are much better ways to spend such a huge amount of money. We can use this for greater purposes – to completely reform society and education.”
Moreover, he doubts that the country has the moral or even industrial “capacity” to undertake such a colossal program. “Is there anyone here who can take charge? Do we have the capacity to handle it well? If not, there’ll be rampant corruption, rampant inefficiency, and it will fail.”
A lack of political muscle is also seriously hampering the management of Bangkok. With so many independent and autonomous organizations, agencies and bureaucracies in charge of key city sectors like the roads, footpaths, and mass transit systems, it’s mission impossible for the Bangkok Metropolitan Authority (BMA) and its Governor. The Thai system is a mess, inefficient and open to corruption.
“The only way to manage Bangkok is to have a real Office of the Governor. And it’s got to have power. Right now, running Bangkok and even Thailand for that matter, is a baby-sitting job, with the nanny on the mobile to her boyfriend while the kids are running around.”
Through his work at one of Thailand’s leading universities, Voranai is well placed to comment on the country’s education system. Asked for his views on its effectiveness, he’s unerringly blunt: “It’s horrible. And I speak as a lecturer.
“I’ve yet to find, for example, a Thai student who knows this country’s history. In Thailand we don’t teach history. We teach propaganda. Analytical skills are still very light.”
What can be done to improve the education system? “It requires a cohesive effort. First, the parents and then the teachers.”
He elaborates: “Kids here are sent to school not to be educated but to get to a certain university. It’s not about learning. Parents don’t care. Teachers don’t seem to care either. For them it’s about image, prestige and money. Here I speak in general, of course. There are many exceptions, just not enough.”
Unlike their fired-up predecessors who did so much to change and improve the way Thailand is governed, today’s students seem apathetic and indifferent to politics. Why is that? Voranai has a simple explanation: “Life is too good. How can you argue against that?”
Many of his Post readers have called for Voranai to get involved in politics. “I’ve thought about it. And my answer is yes – and no. I believe my real role in life is to educate – someone who can interpret things.
“Besides, I neither have the money nor the connection for politics. So to be a successful candidate, I would have to owe favors to people with money and connections. Then those favors need to be repaid, otherwise they’ll throw you out. It’s a trap.”
“I’d hate to be swallowed up by it all.”
He’s pushed the boundaries a couple of times, but so far any complaints about his opinions have been dealt with by his bosses at the Post. That’s a reasonable trade-off, one suspects, for the Post has rarely had such a popular columnist since Bernard Trink wrote about Bangkok’s red light districts in the early ’70s. And the newspaper will do its best to protect their latest star.
He flies his colours brightly. Patently not a fan of Thaksin Shinwatra, he nevertheless gives credits to the former PM’s sister and current incumbent Yingluk; he’s dismissive of the political leaders Thailand has had in recent years and even ‘speculates’ that some kind of deal could be in the offing between the country’s warring parties. Other ground covered ranges from the 2010 Bangkok stand-off and the patronage system to the importance of image, as well as sex, drugs and wildlife. He’s also been sufficiently moved – some would say reckless – to tackle the extraordinarily tricky subject of lese majeste, as we will see later.
Voranai has many of the credentials needed for a newspaper political commentator. A graduate in government and history from the University of Texas in Austin, this Bangkok-born writer toyed on his return to Thailand aged 23 with the idea of joining either the Foreign Ministry or the Police Academy – his father is a former Police Major General and for many years Chairman of the Royal Bangkok Sports Club – but rejected both in favour of teaching ‘world civilisation’ at Assumption University (ABAC).
After a year there, he won a scholarship to study international business at South Bank University in London, a sabbatical of sorts that also gave him an opportunity to travel and “to see the world.”
Back again in Thailand, he launched his career in journalism as business reporter at the Bangkok Post from 2000-2001. He went on to edit BK magazine for four years, followed by a further four years running its rival publication, Guru, before taking on his present dual role of newspaper columnist and part-time lecturer in journalism and mass communication at Thammasat University.
Now aged 39 and deeply immersed in Thailand’s political scene, Voranai claims to have no political affiliations, despite his upper middle class and presumably ‘establishment’ background, insisting that a commentator like him should be impartial.
“My instinct is to absorb, study, analyze and interpret Thai politics for both Thai and farang readers. I don’t take sides; I have to be objective, unbiased. That’s how I see my role. But of course, no one is completely objective, we are human after all. But I try my best.”
It wasn’t always like that, though. In his younger days, he admits he was “left-liberal, like most of my peers. But as you grow older and understand historical evolution and cultural psyche, you change. So today, if anything, I’m in the centre.”
Having no declared political drum to beat has probably made it easier and more acceptable for Voranai to tackle some of the country’s most difficult and controversial topics, even those ‘don’t-go-there’ lese majeste laws protecting the Monarchy. “It’s alright to openly discuss these laws provided it’s done in a constructive way,” he believes. “Let’s face it, the laws are regularly talked about in the social media anyway. At the end of the day, and whatever you do, you can’t shut people up.”
He advocates reforming the lese majeste laws, as well as other draconian laws such as those that forbid criticism of a court decision. “These (court laws) date back to the Cold War era when they served a useful purpose. But we’ve outgrown that period.”
The Post doesn’t interfere in what Voranai writes. That’s entirely his choice. Recent topics have included several that would make most editors and publishers wet on the brow, such as some pretty edgy comments about the sons of Deputy Prime Minister Chalerm Yumbumrang, one of the country’s most powerful politicians – and not someone most of us would choose to confront.
“There are certain ways to discuss things; writing between the lines is one.”
Has he ever faced threats from disgruntled politicians?
”No, at least none have ever come down to me. My managers at the Bangkok Post handle that side of things very professionally,” explains Voranai, who does concede that complaints had been received from both sides of the political divide.
He adds poignantly: “My parents are proud of me, but are fearful and tell me to be careful.”
Why are Thai people so reluctant to voice their opinions? “It’s the culture of self-censorship here. Thais are polite and respectful and don’t speak out. We’re shy to challenge people and traditions. The development of ideologies, which demand people stand up for their rights, is new to Thailand.
“But the country is changing. You can see that in the red and yellow shirts phenomenon. Even that lady showing her boobs on the Thailand’s Got Talent TV programme is an example of changing attitudes, though not a very good one. We still have a long way to go, however.”
The political change many clamor for is far more complex. “There’s a choice of two ways – a quick change, a purge, a ‘night of the long knives,’ a force of arms. But that’s unacceptable. Or there’s a boring, long-term, evolutionary change through dialogue and education.”
Although he’s never met Yingluk, she’s predictably fair game for his columns. How’s she faring as PM? “It depends on how you define her job. Yingluk’s doing a good job keeping the fragile peace, and being an ambassador for Thaksin’s camp, and to end the political divide in favor of her brother, without him getting a jail term. No one else can do that.
“As for actually managing the country, that’s a
different issue.”
“She has a certain charm, magic. Who else can be with General Prem Tinsulanonda and Army Chief General Prayuth Chan-ocha and get them to be friendly and smiling? Neither Thaksin nor Chalerm could do that. But Yingluck can.”
His columns have often referred to the shortage of good leaders in Thailand. At the risk of making his readers “foam at the mouth,” he suggests the only premier the country has had that came close to embodying true leadership was Thaksin.
“Today we need a visionary leader,” he declares. “Someone who can inspire the whole nation.”
Is there such a person in Thailand waiting in the wings? “Not that I know of,” he replies, shaking his head.
So, would he like to see Thaksin return to run the country? “No,” he states most emphatically, saying Thaksin has become too divisive of a figure to be good for Thailand.
“Thaksin is the most capable leader, but is it for a good or bad cause? He’s a leader but not a true leader. If we go by popular votes, 15 million Thais love him, 12 million hate him. He might be a good leader but ultimately he’s failed because 12 million don’t want him back. It ends right there. It’s the same with Abhisit. 15 million people don’t want to see him back.
“In my humble opinion, Thaksin should simply relax and enjoy life – and stay away from politics.”
Is there anything else he’d like to tell Thaksin? “Yes. I’d like to say ‘You could have played it better.’”
So, in the absence of a worthy leader, who’s actually running this country? “It’s run on different layers,” he responds. “The big picture is Yingluck, however much she’s taking her policies from Dubai. Then there’s the military, the old establishment, and the judges. The Democrats with 12 million supporters also have a lot of influence. On a day to day basis, it’s as always the bureaucrats, big business, MPs, local strongmen, police, and village leaders. It’s feudalistic in nature.”
The gap between rich and poor in Thailand is constantly mentioned by foreign observers and critics. How does Voranai view the situation? “Yes, it’s true that income distribution here is unequal, but isn’t it also true that in the US 1% of the population have something like 95% of that country’s wealth?
“Yes, it’s unacceptable that the lowest classes in Thailand are impoverished but I’d argue they live better than, say, their equivalents in places like Vietnam. Thais live as a family unit and pool their resources. Even at the lowest levels, people are happy, eat well, own mobiles and watch cable TV.”
“Still, having said that, things can and should be improved. Don’t let the ‘mai pen rai’ attitude stop evolution.”
No other single country has a system that Thailand should strive to emulate, he says. “I like western-style democracy, but it won’t work in Thailand. Our traditional cultural values are too strong. We have to mix and match strategically.”
As for corruption in Thailand, Voranai goes along with the current belief that it is getting worse, but has an interesting explanation. “It’s due to the lack of political stability. Over the past six years, MPs have come and gone. They’ve invested a lot to get into power, but there’s no certainty they’ll be there long. It’s all about a return on investment.
He adds: “We can never get rid of corruption completely, only minimize it.”
Predictably, perhaps, Voranai is skeptical of the government’s proposal to borrow two trillion baht to be spent on a raft of mega-infrastructure projects. “It will require 50 years to pay it back,” he says. “And there are much better ways to spend such a huge amount of money. We can use this for greater purposes – to completely reform society and education.”
Moreover, he doubts that the country has the moral or even industrial “capacity” to undertake such a colossal program. “Is there anyone here who can take charge? Do we have the capacity to handle it well? If not, there’ll be rampant corruption, rampant inefficiency, and it will fail.”
A lack of political muscle is also seriously hampering the management of Bangkok. With so many independent and autonomous organizations, agencies and bureaucracies in charge of key city sectors like the roads, footpaths, and mass transit systems, it’s mission impossible for the Bangkok Metropolitan Authority (BMA) and its Governor. The Thai system is a mess, inefficient and open to corruption.
“The only way to manage Bangkok is to have a real Office of the Governor. And it’s got to have power. Right now, running Bangkok and even Thailand for that matter, is a baby-sitting job, with the nanny on the mobile to her boyfriend while the kids are running around.”
Through his work at one of Thailand’s leading universities, Voranai is well placed to comment on the country’s education system. Asked for his views on its effectiveness, he’s unerringly blunt: “It’s horrible. And I speak as a lecturer.
“I’ve yet to find, for example, a Thai student who knows this country’s history. In Thailand we don’t teach history. We teach propaganda. Analytical skills are still very light.”
What can be done to improve the education system? “It requires a cohesive effort. First, the parents and then the teachers.”
He elaborates: “Kids here are sent to school not to be educated but to get to a certain university. It’s not about learning. Parents don’t care. Teachers don’t seem to care either. For them it’s about image, prestige and money. Here I speak in general, of course. There are many exceptions, just not enough.”
Unlike their fired-up predecessors who did so much to change and improve the way Thailand is governed, today’s students seem apathetic and indifferent to politics. Why is that? Voranai has a simple explanation: “Life is too good. How can you argue against that?”
Many of his Post readers have called for Voranai to get involved in politics. “I’ve thought about it. And my answer is yes – and no. I believe my real role in life is to educate – someone who can interpret things.
“Besides, I neither have the money nor the connection for politics. So to be a successful candidate, I would have to owe favors to people with money and connections. Then those favors need to be repaid, otherwise they’ll throw you out. It’s a trap.”
“I’d hate to be swallowed up by it all.”
He adds poignantly: “My parents are proud of me, but are fearful and tell me to be careful.”
Why are Thai people so reluctant to voice their opinions? “It’s the culture of self-censorship here. Thais are polite and respectful and don’t speak out. We’re shy to challenge people and traditions. The development of ideologies, which demand people stand up for their rights, is new to Thailand.
“But the country is changing. You can see that in the red and yellow shirts phenomenon. Even that lady showing her boobs on the Thailand’s Got Talent TV programme is an example of changing attitudes, though not a very good one. We still have a long way to go, however.”
The political change many clamor for is far more complex. “There’s a choice of two ways – a quick change, a purge, a ‘night of the long knives,’ a force of arms. But that’s unacceptable. Or there’s a boring, long-term, evolutionary change through dialogue and education.”
Although he’s never met Yingluk, she’s predictably fair game for his columns. How’s she faring as PM? “It depends on how you define her job. Yingluk’s doing a good job keeping the fragile peace, and being an ambassador for Thaksin’s camp, and to end the political divide in favor of her brother, without him getting a jail term. No one else can do that.
“As for actually managing the country, that’s a
different issue.”
“She has a certain charm, magic. Who else can be with General Prem Tinsulanonda and Army Chief General Prayuth Chan-ocha and get them to be friendly and smiling? Neither Thaksin nor Chalerm could do that. But Yingluck can.”
His columns have often referred to the shortage of good leaders in Thailand. At the risk of making his readers “foam at the mouth,” he suggests the only premier the country has had that came close to embodying true leadership was Thaksin.
“Today we need a visionary leader,” he declares. “Someone who can inspire the whole nation.”
Is there such a person in Thailand waiting in the wings? “Not that I know of,” he replies, shaking his head.
So, would he like to see Thaksin return to run the country? “No,” he states most emphatically, saying Thaksin has become too divisive of a figure to be good for Thailand.
“Thaksin is the most capable leader, but is it for a good or bad cause? He’s a leader but not a true leader. If we go by popular votes, 15 million Thais love him, 12 million hate him. He might be a good leader but ultimately he’s failed because 12 million don’t want him back. It ends right there. It’s the same with Abhisit. 15 million people don’t want to see him back.
“In my humble opinion, Thaksin should simply relax and enjoy life – and stay away from politics.”
Is there anything else he’d like to tell Thaksin? “Yes. I’d like to say ‘You could have played it better.’”
So, in the absence of a worthy leader, who’s actually running this country? “It’s run on different layers,” he responds. “The big picture is Yingluck, however much she’s taking her policies from Dubai. Then there’s the military, the old establishment, and the judges. The Democrats with 12 million supporters also have a lot of influence. On a day to day basis, it’s as always the bureaucrats, big business, MPs, local strongmen, police, and village leaders. It’s feudalistic in nature.”
The gap between rich and poor in Thailand is constantly mentioned by foreign observers and critics. How does Voranai view the situation? “Yes, it’s true that income distribution here is unequal, but isn’t it also true that in the US 1% of the population have something like 95% of that country’s wealth?
“Yes, it’s unacceptable that the lowest classes in Thailand are impoverished but I’d argue they live better than, say, their equivalents in places like Vietnam. Thais live as a family unit and pool their resources. Even at the lowest levels, people are happy, eat well, own mobiles and watch cable TV.”
“Still, having said that, things can and should be improved. Don’t let the ‘mai pen rai’ attitude stop evolution.”
No other single country has a system that Thailand should strive to emulate, he says. “I like western-style democracy, but it won’t work in Thailand. Our traditional cultural values are too strong. We have to mix and match strategically.”
As for corruption in Thailand, Voranai goes along with the current belief that it is getting worse, but has an interesting explanation. “It’s due to the lack of political stability. Over the past six years, MPs have come and gone. They’ve invested a lot to get into power, but there’s no certainty they’ll be there long. It’s all about a return on investment.
He adds: “We can never get rid of corruption completely, only minimize it.”
Predictably, perhaps, Voranai is skeptical of the government’s proposal to borrow two trillion baht to be spent on a raft of mega-infrastructure projects. “It will require 50 years to pay it back,” he says. “And there are much better ways to spend such a huge amount of money. We can use this for greater purposes – to completely reform society and education.”
Moreover, he doubts that the country has the moral or even industrial “capacity” to undertake such a colossal program. “Is there anyone here who can take charge? Do we have the capacity to handle it well? If not, there’ll be rampant corruption, rampant inefficiency, and it will fail.”
A lack of political muscle is also seriously hampering the management of Bangkok. With so many independent and autonomous organizations, agencies and bureaucracies in charge of key city sectors like the roads, footpaths, and mass transit systems, it’s mission impossible for the Bangkok Metropolitan Authority (BMA) and its Governor. The Thai system is a mess, inefficient and open to corruption.
“The only way to manage Bangkok is to have a real Office of the Governor. And it’s got to have power. Right now, running Bangkok and even Thailand for that matter, is a baby-sitting job, with the nanny on the mobile to her boyfriend while the kids are running around.”
Through his work at one of Thailand’s leading universities, Voranai is well placed to comment on the country’s education system. Asked for his views on its effectiveness, he’s unerringly blunt: “It’s horrible. And I speak as a lecturer.
“I’ve yet to find, for example, a Thai student who knows this country’s history. In Thailand we don’t teach history. We teach propaganda. Analytical skills are still very light.”
What can be done to improve the education system? “It requires a cohesive effort. First, the parents and then the teachers.”
He elaborates: “Kids here are sent to school not to be educated but to get to a certain university. It’s not about learning. Parents don’t care. Teachers don’t seem to care either. For them it’s about image, prestige and money. Here I speak in general, of course. There are many exceptions, just not enough.”
Unlike their fired-up predecessors who did so much to change and improve the way Thailand is governed, today’s students seem apathetic and indifferent to politics. Why is that? Voranai has a simple explanation: “Life is too good. How can you argue against that?”
Many of his Post readers have called for Voranai to get involved in politics. “I’ve thought about it. And my answer is yes – and no. I believe my real role in life is to educate – someone who can interpret things.
“Besides, I neither have the money nor the connection for politics. So to be a successful candidate, I would have to owe favors to people with money and connections. Then those favors need to be repaid, otherwise they’ll throw you out. It’s a trap.”
“I’d hate to be swallowed up by it all.”
Why are Thai people so reluctant to voice their opinions? “It’s the culture of self-censorship here. Thais are polite and respectful and don’t speak out. We’re shy to challenge people and traditions. The development of ideologies, which demand people stand up for their rights, is new to Thailand.
“But the country is changing. You can see that in the red and yellow shirts phenomenon. Even that lady showing her boobs on the Thailand’s Got Talent TV programme is an example of changing attitudes, though not a very good one. We still have a long way to go, however.”
The political change many clamor for is far more complex. “There’s a choice of two ways – a quick change, a purge, a ‘night of the long knives,’ a force of arms. But that’s unacceptable. Or there’s a boring, long-term, evolutionary change through dialogue and education.”
Although he’s never met Yingluk, she’s predictably fair game for his columns. How’s she faring as PM? “It depends on how you define her job. Yingluk’s doing a good job keeping the fragile peace, and being an ambassador for Thaksin’s camp, and to end the political divide in favor of her brother, without him getting a jail term. No one else can do that.
“As for actually managing the country, that’s a
different issue.”
“She has a certain charm, magic. Who else can be with General Prem Tinsulanonda and Army Chief General Prayuth Chan-ocha and get them to be friendly and smiling? Neither Thaksin nor Chalerm could do that. But Yingluck can.”
His columns have often referred to the shortage of good leaders in Thailand. At the risk of making his readers “foam at the mouth,” he suggests the only premier the country has had that came close to embodying true leadership was Thaksin.
“Today we need a visionary leader,” he declares. “Someone who can inspire the whole nation.”
Is there such a person in Thailand waiting in the wings? “Not that I know of,” he replies, shaking his head.
So, would he like to see Thaksin return to run the country? “No,” he states most emphatically, saying Thaksin has become too divisive of a figure to be good for Thailand.
“Thaksin is the most capable leader, but is it for a good or bad cause? He’s a leader but not a true leader. If we go by popular votes, 15 million Thais love him, 12 million hate him. He might be a good leader but ultimately he’s failed because 12 million don’t want him back. It ends right there. It’s the same with Abhisit. 15 million people don’t want to see him back.
“In my humble opinion, Thaksin should simply relax and enjoy life – and stay away from politics.”
Is there anything else he’d like to tell Thaksin? “Yes. I’d like to say ‘You could have played it better.’”
So, in the absence of a worthy leader, who’s actually running this country? “It’s run on different layers,” he responds. “The big picture is Yingluck, however much she’s taking her policies from Dubai. Then there’s the military, the old establishment, and the judges. The Democrats with 12 million supporters also have a lot of influence. On a day to day basis, it’s as always the bureaucrats, big business, MPs, local strongmen, police, and village leaders. It’s feudalistic in nature.”
The gap between rich and poor in Thailand is constantly mentioned by foreign observers and critics. How does Voranai view the situation? “Yes, it’s true that income distribution here is unequal, but isn’t it also true that in the US 1% of the population have something like 95% of that country’s wealth?
“Yes, it’s unacceptable that the lowest classes in Thailand are impoverished but I’d argue they live better than, say, their equivalents in places like Vietnam. Thais live as a family unit and pool their resources. Even at the lowest levels, people are happy, eat well, own mobiles and watch cable TV.”
“Still, having said that, things can and should be improved. Don’t let the ‘mai pen rai’ attitude stop evolution.”
No other single country has a system that Thailand should strive to emulate, he says. “I like western-style democracy, but it won’t work in Thailand. Our traditional cultural values are too strong. We have to mix and match strategically.”
As for corruption in Thailand, Voranai goes along with the current belief that it is getting worse, but has an interesting explanation. “It’s due to the lack of political stability. Over the past six years, MPs have come and gone. They’ve invested a lot to get into power, but there’s no certainty they’ll be there long. It’s all about a return on investment.
He adds: “We can never get rid of corruption completely, only minimize it.”
Predictably, perhaps, Voranai is skeptical of the government’s proposal to borrow two trillion baht to be spent on a raft of mega-infrastructure projects. “It will require 50 years to pay it back,” he says. “And there are much better ways to spend such a huge amount of money. We can use this for greater purposes – to completely reform society and education.”
Moreover, he doubts that the country has the moral or even industrial “capacity” to undertake such a colossal program. “Is there anyone here who can take charge? Do we have the capacity to handle it well? If not, there’ll be rampant corruption, rampant inefficiency, and it will fail.”
A lack of political muscle is also seriously hampering the management of Bangkok. With so many independent and autonomous organizations, agencies and bureaucracies in charge of key city sectors like the roads, footpaths, and mass transit systems, it’s mission impossible for the Bangkok Metropolitan Authority (BMA) and its Governor. The Thai system is a mess, inefficient and open to corruption.
“The only way to manage Bangkok is to have a real Office of the Governor. And it’s got to have power. Right now, running Bangkok and even Thailand for that matter, is a baby-sitting job, with the nanny on the mobile to her boyfriend while the kids are running around.”
Through his work at one of Thailand’s leading universities, Voranai is well placed to comment on the country’s education system. Asked for his views on its effectiveness, he’s unerringly blunt: “It’s horrible. And I speak as a lecturer.
“I’ve yet to find, for example, a Thai student who knows this country’s history. In Thailand we don’t teach history. We teach propaganda. Analytical skills are still very light.”
What can be done to improve the education system? “It requires a cohesive effort. First, the parents and then the teachers.”
He elaborates: “Kids here are sent to school not to be educated but to get to a certain university. It’s not about learning. Parents don’t care. Teachers don’t seem to care either. For them it’s about image, prestige and money. Here I speak in general, of course. There are many exceptions, just not enough.”
Unlike their fired-up predecessors who did so much to change and improve the way Thailand is governed, today’s students seem apathetic and indifferent to politics. Why is that? Voranai has a simple explanation: “Life is too good. How can you argue against that?”
Many of his Post readers have called for Voranai to get involved in politics. “I’ve thought about it. And my answer is yes – and no. I believe my real role in life is to educate – someone who can interpret things.
“Besides, I neither have the money nor the connection for politics. So to be a successful candidate, I would have to owe favors to people with money and connections. Then those favors need to be repaid, otherwise they’ll throw you out. It’s a trap.”
“I’d hate to be swallowed up by it all.”
How Voranai sees the world
Quotes from the Bangkok Post
In Thailand, prostitution is illegal, but not really. Casino gambling is illegal, but not really. Drug trafficking is illegal, but only when the generals want their pictures on the front pages of local dailies.
------------------------------------
The rice pledging scheme is a dud.
The first-time automobile buyer scheme now faces ridicule as buyers find themselves unable to pay off their car loans. And the two trillion baht loan to revamp the country’s infrastructure will take 50 years to pay off.
------------------------------------
From Gen Chartchai Choonhavan to current Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and everyone in between, the only premier we have had that came close to embodying true leadership was - you may foam at the mouth now - Thaksin Shinawatra.
------------------------------------
Ideally, no fugitive should be able to order the Thai government around.
Realistically, that fugitive owns the Thai government, so of course he’s going to order it around.
------------------------------------
Thaksin decided to listen to Chalerm, which is something no one should do.
------------------------------------
In public, however, we keep up an
appearance of that which is considered proper and appropriate, painting an
image of beauty and decency. Should anyone attempt to ruin this image, false image though it may be, we shall censor, ban or impose three to five years imprisonment – for the sake of public decency. Hence, the abundance of prostitutes in this land. But let’s pretend they are not here, even if they stand on the footpaths of Sukhumvit during broad daylight.
------------------------------------
Who were the men in black? Were they rangers employed by the late Colonel Khatiya ‘’Seh Daeng’’ Sawasdipol, with the blessing of Thaksin Shinawatra? Were they disguised soldiers of the Royal Thai Army, with the blessing of then prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva?
Or did someone else employ them?
Where are they now?
------------------------------------
The rice pledging scheme is a dud.
The first-time automobile buyer scheme now faces ridicule as buyers find themselves unable to pay off their car loans. And the two trillion baht loan to revamp the country’s infrastructure will take 50 years to pay off.
------------------------------------
From Gen Chartchai Choonhavan to current Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and everyone in between, the only premier we have had that came close to embodying true leadership was - you may foam at the mouth now - Thaksin Shinawatra.
------------------------------------
Ideally, no fugitive should be able to order the Thai government around.
Realistically, that fugitive owns the Thai government, so of course he’s going to order it around.
------------------------------------
Thaksin decided to listen to Chalerm, which is something no one should do.
------------------------------------
In public, however, we keep up an
appearance of that which is considered proper and appropriate, painting an
image of beauty and decency. Should anyone attempt to ruin this image, false image though it may be, we shall censor, ban or impose three to five years imprisonment – for the sake of public decency. Hence, the abundance of prostitutes in this land. But let’s pretend they are not here, even if they stand on the footpaths of Sukhumvit during broad daylight.
------------------------------------
Who were the men in black? Were they rangers employed by the late Colonel Khatiya ‘’Seh Daeng’’ Sawasdipol, with the blessing of Thaksin Shinawatra? Were they disguised soldiers of the Royal Thai Army, with the blessing of then prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva?
Or did someone else employ them?
Where are they now?
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